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• 坚持把党的政治建设作为首要任务坚持把党的政治建设摆在首位，在教育引导党员干部深刻领悟“两个确立”的决定性意义、带头做到“两个维护”上下功夫。
• 而她的公寓并不是特意为严重过敏的人设计的，其他房间的烟味会通过通风系统飘过来，导致索菲亚的过敏症状依然很严重
• 　　开发“手机淘宝”，就是张勇对这位m5职级资深总监开出的考题
• 如該資源被認定屬於「淫穢物品」且達到一定數量，同樣可能構成前述的製作、販賣、傳播淫穢物品牟利罪，相關主管部門可將案件線索移交給司法機關，對達到立案追訴標準的，可予以刑事立案並依法追究刑事責任
• latin america, along with u.s. social movements, has defeated the so-called free trade agreement of the americas for the foreseeable future. the world trade organization [wto] is far from defeated, partly because of internal differences among latin american countries. i believe the bolivarian alternative is an extremely important counterforce against the u.s. imperial design. mercosur also is a welcome development. a united front among the new nationalist governments of latin america is to be hoped for. venezuela has recently been supplying heating oil at low cost for lower-income people in certain u.s. cities, yet some republican congressmen have been critical of this gesture. please comment.

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• 　　新研股份短期债务超14亿元　　账上货币资金仅4.13亿元　　根据新研股份的公告，公司合计欠付9家债权人利息1092万元，涉及本金4.97亿元，其中4家债权人为银行，5家为一般企业
• 　　在主题教育中，全党上下强化宗旨意识和服务理念，努力解决群众的困难诉求，密切了党同人民群众的血肉联系，得到人民群众的认可和拥护。
• 马克思主义唯物史观并不否认杰出人物对人类社会历史发展的重要促进作用，但同时指出，人民才是创造历史的真正主体,是社会变革的决定力量。
• 宁波联合：拟23亿元收购盛元房产100%股权
• 适当性匹配意见请以销售机构为准

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何小鹏表示，从8月份moma mo3的推出开始，我们即将进入一个强劲的产品周期，在未来3年，我们将有大量新车型和改款产品上市，通过强大的产品周期和更高效的营销，我们长期积累的技术优势和在人工智能方面取得的突破将转化为中国和国际市场的销售增长，我们相信，我们将回到快速增长的轨道，决心赢得智能技术和全球扩张的行业竞争iraq's turkmen mobilise for a post-isil future alex shams the minority group has long been divided along sectarian lines - but recent events could bring greater unity. by when islamic state fighters (isil, also known as isis) captured kirkuk last october, hundreds of people poured on to the streets to help security forces fight back in the northern iraqi city. among them were dozens of fighters under the blue-and-white turkmen banner, representing a rare occasion when iraq's third-largest ethnic group united to defend the community. fighters representing the roughly two to three million iraqi turkmen - approximately 10 percent of iraq's population - are part of a wider mobilisation to defend what they call turkmen eli, or "land of the turkmen". this thin swath of land extends northwest to southeast along the frontlines between isil, the iraqi army, and the kurdistan regional government (krg). since 2014, thousands of turkmen have signed up to fight against isil, including with the popular mobilisation forces (pmu), a group of predominantly shia militia that have provided vital momentum to iraq's war effort but have been also repeatedly accused of committing human rights abuses.- the anti-isil turkmen fighters find themselves facing other turkmen who have joined isil - a dark twist in a war that has seen many communities pitted against each other. read more: the separating walls of tuz khurmatu arshad al-salihi, head of the iraqi turkmen front, has called for the establishment of an autonomous zone following the retaking of turkmen regions around mosul. but many doubt the feasibility of such a zone, particularly given the sectarian divisions that have torn iraq's turkmen apart since the toppling of saddam hussein in 2003. iraq's turkmen have suffered immensely since isil's emergence. mehdi al-beyati, a spokesperson for the turkmen rescue foundation and former iraqi minister of human rights, estimates that 600,000 turkmen have been driven from their homes and scattered into refugee camps. another 1,200 turkmen women and children are still being kept as hostages. "we were completely unable to defend ourselves when the conflict began," beyati told al jazeera, noting that the iraqi government had previously refused to arm the turkmen.-meanwhile, he said,-"every single turkmen region has faced the devastation of its infrastructure - from schools to hospitals, from markets to social services. economically, everything collapsed. there needs to be serious and urgent reconstruction as well as protection before any refugees will return home." the turkmen have been an integral part of the multicultural, multi-confessional mosaic of northern iraq for centuries.-but after saddam hussein took power in 1979, the group became caught up in a violent struggle to cement arab national identity. in the 1980s they were targeted, alongside kurds and assyrians, by "arabisation" campaigns that drove them from their villages and replaced them with arab population, part of an effort to make ethnic separatism less feasible in iraq's border regions. the turkmen language was banned, as were turkmen names. "because of what we lived before 2003, many hoped that a new era would begin for iraq after the fall of baathist dictatorship," beyati said. "unfortunately, we entered a new stage of repression."- the lack of security and economic stagnation across iraq led to violence in the years that followed. the political system installed during the us occupation was based on sectarian representation of shia arabs, sunni arabs, and kurds. but the turkmen were left out, and the system led to increasing social sectarianisation. about 60 percent of turkmen are shia muslims, while most of the remainder is sunni, although roughly 1 percent are catholic. there is no alliance unifying turkmen - they've all made alliances with other political parties, and so there is no representation of the turkmen as turkmen. saad salloum, baghdad-based advocate for minority rights saad salloum, a baghdad-based advocate for minority rights, noted that "after 2003, sectarianism took on a political character in iraq it had never had before. "there is no alliance unifying turkmen - they've all made alliances with other political parties, and so there is no representation of the turkmen as turkmen," he said. "the primary challenge facing the turkmen community currently is internal." the city of tal afar offers a sobering example. it was once home to 200,000 turkmen, mostly sunni. as sectarian identity became increasingly important in everyday life and violent incidents against the shia minority grew in number, the community was left-increasingly ghettoised. a 2007-double truck-bombing-targeting them slaughtered more than 150 people and shattered the veneer of calm that had previously masked tensions. when isil swept through tal afar, it fuelled sectarian tensionin the city pitting sunni turkmen against shia turkmen,-who were expelled en masse. it is unclear whether those taking part in the violence will reintegrate post-war alongside the group's victims,if and when they return. calls for turkmen autonomy in iraq avoid delicate questions such as these. instead, they look to similar self-rule proposals by religious minorities such as the yezidis and assyrians as inspiration.-both groups have received widespread international attention, but the turkmen's plight has been largely ignored. opinion: kirkuk may be key to national reconciliation in iraq beyati, whose organisation aids turkmen refugees, argues that the presence of an autonomous region could reassure refugees hoping to return to their homes. "we are demanding international protection be extended over turkmen and other minority regions around mosul," he told al jazeera, suggesting a district be created through which turkmen could advocate for themselves. he also stressed the need to expand turkmen representation in the iraqi central government, through a parliamentary quota that would guarantee seats proportional to their numbers. but even if such a proposal manages to bring the fractured turkmen community together, it's unlikely to succeed without the presence of armed forces to protect returnees.-"turkmen refugees are afraid they will be prevented from returning to their homes by local actors interested in creating demographic changes," beyati added. threats of demographic warfare haunt turkmen history. following saddam hussein's ousting in 2003, kurdish forces across northern iraq began a process of kurdification, ostensibly to reverse the arabisation policies of previous decades. in practice, this meant uprooting tens of thousands of civilians who had been forced to move to the area through no fault of their own. turkmen were targeted, as kurds sought to cement their numbers in areas they hoped to incorporate into a future independent kurdish state. nowhere are kurdish-turkmen tensions clearer than in tuz khurmatu, a city 90 kilometres south of kirkuk. the population is split between sunni kurds and shia turkmen, with turkmen forming a bare majority. but in recent years, kurdish forces have been in charge of security - and turkmen claim that dozens of people have been forced from their homes as a result. turkmen have organised militias to protect themselves and clashes have erupted repeatedly, with the city now divided into barricaded cantons. kirkuk is no stranger to such divisions, either. in 2014, isil briefly occupied the city before being driven out by kurdish fighters. they have not left since. krg authorities have been intentionally vague about the future, leaving room for leaders with their own designs. since the october attack on kirkuk, authorities have expelled arab and turkmen refugees who fled isil-controlled areas, accusing them of "terrorist" connections. locals cried foul, but were powerless to stop the move. historically, the turkmens' most ardent backer has been turkey, which is also an ally of the krg. since iraqi forces began preparing to take mosul from isil, turkey has stressed its intention of participating, drawing iraqi ire. baghdad has seen repeated anti-turkey protests, as many see the move as an attack on iraqi sovereignty. but turkish journalist ceren kenar told al jazeera that the country's interest in iraq was based on security concerns. "both turkey and the krg are concerned about possible refugee flow if things in mosul go wrong," kenar said, noting united nations warnings that up to one million people could flee. "where will these people go?" she added that turkey fears iranian influence in iraq through its support for the pmu, the shia-dominated militias that have been involved in forced disappearances and killings of sunni civilians. "the violence the [pmu] uses against civilians is not less than what isil does," she claimed. "many civilians in mosul are afraid of revenge killings." many iraqis, however, are unmoved. rasha al aqeedi, a research fellow at al mesbar studies and research centre in dubai-and a mosul native who lived there until 2013,-said that many iraqis opposed turkish intervention and see it as an "invading power" that could threaten national sovereignty. she also described the proposals for turkmen autonomy as "unrealistic", adding that-"for the time being, we're going to see the rule of whoever has arms on the ground". source:-al jazeera 　　“世界上的问题错综复杂，解决问题的出路是维护和践行多边主义，推动构建人类命运共同体。”习近平主席的这一重要论断，反映了当前国际社会的普遍共识。历史规律表明，“没有哪一次巨大的历史灾难不是以历史的进步为补偿的”。全球性危机让人们更加深刻地认识到，人类命运高度互联，共同走多边主义道路才是正确选择。人们将2021年视为“决定多边主义成败的一年”“摆脱保护主义的关键之年”，中国发出维护和践行多边主义的时代强音，无疑具有重大意义。